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This paper proposes a solution to the problem of Obviation in terms of the theory of Movement (Hornstein 1999). It suggests that Obviation is closely related to Control, specifically, it is the Anti-Control effect. It assumes a framework that favors derivations exploiting Move to those requiring Construal when establishing anaphoric relations. Evidence for the anti-control approach to Obviation comes from infinitival clauses in Basque. Sentences displaying Obviation effects induce no island effects, but the referential indices suggest that Movement did not take place. Violation of Move First allows the insertion ofa pronoun (Construal) with the cost that it has to Obviate. By assuming that arrays do not contain morphological material, OC and Obviative structures compete for derivational economy. The proposal extends logically to crosslinguistic data on Obviation such as in Romance and English clausal gerunds. It also accounts for the presence and lack of Obviation across languages both synchronic and diachronically.
