Acceso usuarios
Corea del Sur
This paper proposes a novel solution to the problem of noun incorporation constructions in which both an incorporated noun and a nominal double, hyponymous object, or stranded modifier are present. Such doubling constructions have been difficult to reconcile with a syntactic approach to noun incorporation. I propose that doubling constructions arise from an underlying structure in which the incorporated nominal and the double are merged as a constituent. In doing so, I argue against the parameterized φ-deletion analysis proposed in Baker et al. (2005), pointing out some shortcomings of their analysis. This proposal also ties together doubling and stranding into a unified phenomenon, a result I show is supported by cross-linguistic evidence. I also tie doubling/stranding in with the availability of NI with unaccusatives and show how this also falls out from the current proposal. Thus, this proposal makes a strong testable prediction on the distribution of the properties of NI found in natural language.
