Acceso usuarios
Josep Alba-Salas
This article examines the historical evolution of certain collocations with venir that feature a dative experiencer in Modern Spanish (e.g. venirle vergüenza), but which in earlier periods also allowed a subject experiencer (venir en/a vergüenza) or a locative experiencer (venir vergüenza en alguien). The corpus study shows that dative experiencers predominate since the 1200 s; locatives and subjects, which were preferred only by some nouns, gradually disappeared starting in the 1600 s. These changes are attributed to the lexical properties of venir and the generalized triumph of dative experiencers in Spanish Constructions designating involuntary physical or mental processes.
