Acceso usuarios
The paper will argue for the existence of null resumption in Kaqchikel (Mayan) by showing new empirical facts that the language has two strategies to make a possessor interrogative: one type of the possessor wh is base‐generated in Spec‐CP and heads a resumptive chain, while the other type undergoes movement to Spec‐CP. I will present a set of paradoxical cases in which resumption in Kaqchikel displays no movement properties in a simple clause, whereas it does in a long‐distance dependency. I will suggest that the domain of locality relevant to resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel is more constrained than in other widely discussed resumptive languages like Irish and Hebrew. Specifically, it will be proposed that a resumptive pronoun in Kaqchikel must be licensed within a clause: the Clause‐Mate Condition on Resumptive Chains (CCRC). The CCRC will explain why resumptive dependencies in Kaqchikel display island effects, while those in Irish and Hebrew do not by suggesting that the CCRC is not operative in Irish and Hebrew.
