Ellipsis with a Coordinated Antecedent: an Alternative to V-stranding VP-ellipsis

• Idan Landau ^[1]
  1. [1] Ben Gurion University
• Localización: Studia linguistica: A journal of general linguistics, ISSN 0039-3193, Vol. 75, Nº 1, 2021, págs. 1-23
• Idioma: inglés
• DOI: 10.1111/stul.12148
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• Resumen

  • Gribanova (2013b) observes that when the antecedent clause for an object gap in Russian contains a disjunction of ditransitive VPs, the gap is interpreted as if it contained the disjunction, thus favoring a V-stranding VP-ellipsis (VSVPE) analysis over a simple Argument Ellipsis (AE) analysis. We show that VSVPE fails to predict the attested interpretation of the gap when the antecedent VP contains a conjunction. The data are fully explained by combining AE with a pragmatic (scalar) inference triggered in situations of indeterminate ellipsis resolution, leading to multiple 'cycles' in the dynamic semantics