Resumen de On the Absence of Propositional Negation from Hungarian Polar e‐Interrogatives

Hans-Martin Gärtner, Beáta Gyuris

• It is argued that the ban on propositional “inside” negation in Hungarian polar e-interrogatives can be derived as a syntactic intervention effect. An Agree-based formalization is sketched that crucially relies on a diachronically motivated negative formal feature on the interrogative particle -e. A putative counterexample is taken to be echoic. We indicate a way to capture the echoic licensing of propositional negation within an extended formalism