Elvira Margarita Morales-Rodríguez
, Radka Svetozarovová
In this article, the authors study the position of nonargumental pronominal clitics in the AGENDA-GRAN corpus, conducting a real-time study by comparing the new data with previous findings from the PRESEEA-GRAN corpus. After the statistical analysis, they verify that there is practically no variation in the recessive clitics (passive and impersonal se), while variation does exist in the aspectual clitics (those functioning as morphemes in pronominal verbs). Upon examining this group of interest, the authors find that the overall frequency of proclitics is higher than that of enclitics. The variation in the collocation of these clitics does not depend on social variables but on linguistic ones: type of verb grouping, immediacy, temporality, presence of explicit subjects, and major verb structures. Finally, the study confirms a possible continuum in synchronic grammaticalization that had already been theorized previously. Thus, the authors observe a stabilization in the proclisis of recessive clitics, followed by periphrases and argumental clitics, ultimately leading to nonperiphrastic forms